ACTORS
Sandra Dee, (1942-2005) born Alexandria Zuck to John and Mary Cymboliak in Bayonne, New Jersey. Her mother was of Rusyn ancestry.
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Lizabeth Scott, born Emma Matzo in the Pine Brook Section of Scranton, Pennsylvania. The daughter of John and Mary Matzo, Roman Catholic immigrants from Slovakia.
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Tom Selleck, born in Detroit, Michigan to Rusyn father Robert Selleck and Scottish-American mother Martha.
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Robert Urich, (1946-2002) born to Rusyn and Slovak parents he was raised Roman Catholic in the small town of Toronto, Ohio.
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ARTISTS
Andy Warhol, (1928-1987) pop artist and avant-garde filmmaker, born in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. The son of Andrew Warhola and Julia Zavacka immigrants from the village of Miková, Slovakia; formerly Mikova, Zemplén County.
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Michael Chanda, millinery designer and artist, (1920-2004) a Starina native born to Michael Chanda of Starina and Suzanna Hnat of Orlov. (Starina, Slovakia; Slovakia; formerly Sztarina, Sáros County / Orlov, Slovakia; formerly Orló, Sáros County).
Michael made a name for himself in the fashion industry from the 1940's through the 1960's. He apprenticed with Hattie Carnegie. He had no formal college training and went directly into business. He designed hats for the rich and famous women of the world, as well as selling two lines of ladies' hats to department stores and boutiques across the country.
Michael's upscale line was his signature Chanda hat line. His affordable line was under the name of Michael Roy. His full name was Michael Roy Chanda, and he alternated between being called Michael and being called Roy at various times in his life. Both lines were very successful and very well-known. His clients for his up-scale line included movie stars such as Joan Crawford. His business was located at several addresses early on but for most of its existence it was headquartered at 6 West 57th St in New York just a few doors off 5th Avenue.
Michael always valued being an artist more than a hat designer. He intended to have a second career as a visual artist. He left the millinery business as a young man, intending to dedicate the rest of his life to producing art and pursuing an art career. Instead he became a recluse, particularly after the death of his partner George Poniatowski, and while he produced a lot of art, he never made any in-roads into the art world. Michael painted, produced a lot of collages, and did some small sculpture pieces.
According to Michael his parents later operated one of the last working farms in Clifton, Passaic County, New Jersey. Upon his parents deaths Michael shared ownership of the farmland with his nephew. The land was later sold to developers. Presently there is an adult condominium community on the property called “Michael Chanda Arms”. The street that runs through the development is called “Chanda Court”.
Michael passed away in 2004. He spent his final years still working between his homes in New York City and Middletown, New York.
Thank you to Rich Siegel and Jeannie Laub for providing information on Michael's life and career.
AUTHORS
Johnson, Douglas W., Connecticut born grandson of Udol natives Stephen & Anna Sokol. (Udol, Slovakia; formerly Ujak in Sáros County).
The great Jesus debates
"To be ignorant of these debates is to be ignorant of how we Christians came to be who we are. To know about them is to have a fuller understanding of our faith and what it means for our lives today."
— from the PrefaceKuchta, David
Once a Man, Twice a Boy
"Young boys started their mining careers working on the coal chutes as Breaker Boys only to return in later years to this very same job because of disabilities or not being able to do their regular jobs. Hence, Once a Man, Twice a Boy."
Many of Mr. Kuchta’s articles on the coal industry can be found at…
http://www.tccweb.org/penncoal.htm
Lesko Emil, Pennsylvania born son of Udol natives John Lesko and Juliana 'Helena' Mikulik. (Udol, Slovakia; formerly Ujak in Sáros County).
Whistle Stop
"Emil Lesko, a World War II veteran, takes the reader back to the war days as he narrates his life story. Tracing his childhood, when he lived in a railroad shanty near a whistle stop, the author reminisces about his school and college days, and remembers his mother, who died at a young age. A simple story of a young sailor, who had been brought up on three basic principles - Love of God, Love of Country and Love of Fellow Man".
LAW
Fengya Jr., Harry N., (1927-2002) former Clifton New Jersey Municipal Court Judge; grandson of Nicholas Fengya native of Udol and Hajtovka native Anna Arendacs. (Udol, Slovakia; formerly Ujak in Sáros County).
Judge Fengya served 25 years on the bench. Many years ago a newsman gave him the nickname of "Hangin' Harry". His particular style of judicial justice earned him both renown and notoriety. He would fine a lawyer if he was late for court or fine a mother whose children spread lice to other kids. He felt that courtroom decorum was an important sign of respect for the system. He would often fine someone for wearing "inappropriate" attire in his courtroom. An old school Judge for sure.
MILITARY
Sgt. Michael Strank, (1919-1945) photographed raising the flag atop Mount Suribachi during the Battle of Iwo Jima, a native from the village of Jarabina, Slovakia he was the son of Vasil Strenk and Marta Grofik. (Jarabina, Slovakia; formerly Jarembina, Szepes County).
More information available at...
MUSIC
Peter J. Wilhousky, choral director and composer/arranger, (1902-1978) born in Passaic New Jersey the son of Vysny Orlich native Joseph Wilhousky and Udol born Helena ‘Julia’ Hnat. (Vyšní Orlík, Slovakia; formerly Felső-Orlich, Sáros County / Udol, Slovakia; formerly Ujak in Sáros County).
Peter Wilhousky began his musical career as a member of Saints Peter and Paul's Greek Catholic (later Russian Orthodox) Cathedral in Passaic. As time progressed, Mr. Wilhousky furthered his musical studies at conservatory and became most popular for two of his arrangements. One arrangement, which is a popular Christmas song "Carol of the Bells", was penned by his hand as was "The Battle Hymn of the Republic."
Mr. Wilhousky prepared the choruses for legendary conductor, Arturo Toscanini during the 1940's, after which choral conductor Robert Shaw took over this position.
Being a choral director and composer/arranger, he would later become a music teacher and, also taught for many years at the world renowned Julliard School which today is located within the Lincoln Center complex in New York City.
RELIGIOUS
Saint Alexis Toth, (1854-1909) In 1889 the Greek Catholic hierarchy in Prešov, Slovakia; formerly Eperjes, Sáros County Austro-Hungary sent Fr. Toth a married Ruthenian Greek Catholic priest to the United States with seven other priests to provide missionary work to Ruthenian immigrants in Minneapolis, Minnesota. The Roman Catholic Archbishop of St. Paul, Minnesota refused to recognize Fr. Toth as a Catholic priest because he was married. Although this was allowed in the Ruthenian Rite, it was allegedly forbidden at that time for such married priests to enter the United States. As a result Fr. Toth and most of his flock left the Ruthenian Greek Catholic Church and joined the Russian Orthodox Church.
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SPORTS
Baseball
Joseph Antolick, son of Maly Lipnik immigrants Andrew Antolick and Mary Lukachovsky. (Maly Lipnik, Slovakia; formerly Kis Hars / Kis Lipnik in Sáros County).
Joe Antolick a native of Hokendauqua, Pennsylvania was 28 years old when he broke into the big leagues in 1944. A catcher for the Philadelphia Blue Jays he made his major league debut on September 20, 1944 in a home game against the Cincinnati Reds at Shibe Park.
Joe was one of many ballplayers who only appeared in the major leagues during World War II.
In four games he was 2-for-6 (.333) with a walk and one run scored. In his three appearances as a catcher he handled 10 chances without making an error and participated in one double play.
Antolick died at the age of 86 in Catasauqua, Pennsylvania.
Boxing
The Biss Brothers, sons of Udol natives Peter Biss and Maria Pristas Dornics. (Udol, Slovakia; formerly Ujak in Sáros County).
Steve Biss, born in Udol, (1901-1991) former United States Navy Welterweight Champion. (Photo Courtesy of Steve Biss and Robert Prettyman)
Twins Nicholas 'Mickey' Biss (1906-1975) & Joseph ‘Joey’ Biss (1906-1975), of Passaic New Jersey. Photo is of 'Mickey Biss'. (Photo Courtesy of Steve Biss and Robert Prettyman)
Hockey
Ivan Dornic Sr., son of Udol born native Jan Dornic. (Udol, Slovakia; formerly Ujak in Sáros County).
Ivan was born and raised in Bratislava, the capital of the Slovak Republic. He was a 1984 NHL Draft pick. He was eligible for the draft at age 22 due to NHL rule that all Europeans, regardless of age, had to enter the league through the entry draft rather than as unrestricted free agents.
Although he never played in the NHL he was selected in the sixth round No. 126 overall by the Edmonton Oilers. He played the position of Left Wing.
Pre-Draft his last team was Trencin, Czechoslovakia. In 1982 he received the silver medal in the World Junior Championships.
Ivan’s Non-NHL career consisted of Post-Draft teams Bratislava, Slovakia; Selva, Italy; and Hassfurt, Germany.
Since then he has made a coaching career. He served as coach of the Bratislava, Slovakia junior team through the 2002-2003 seasons and served as Slovakia assistant coach at the 2005 World Under-17 championships.
Ivan is the father of former major junior and European hockey player Ivan Dornic Jr. Thus far this makes the Dornics the only father-son combination ever drafted by the same general manager (Glen Sather).
Ivan Dornic Jr., hockey-New York Rangers, son of Ivan Dornic Sr.
More information available at...
Prospect Ivan Dornic Player Profile - Hockey's Future
Not to be forgotten are those that served in various religious orders
Sister ‘Miriam’ Androsko, OSBM, (?-1979) born in Pennsylvania the daughter of George Androsko and Mary Haschin (Hashak) a native of Maly Lipnik, Slovakia; formerly Kis Hars / Kis Lipnik in Sáros County.
Fr. David Andrew Bachkovsky, (1917-1988) born in Duryea, Luzerne County, Pennsylvania, son of Joseph Bachkovsky native of Štefurov, Slovakia; formerly Stefuró in Sáros County and Maria Kraychik Orechovsky nee Osifchin a native of Maly Lipnik, Slovakia; formerly Kis Hars / Kis Lipnik in Sáros County. Fr. David was ordained a Greek (Byzantine) Catholic priest in 1955.
Fr. Sergius Stephen Bachkovsky, O.S.B, (1920-1984) born in Duryea, Luzerne County, Pennsylvania, son of Joseph Bachkovsky native of Štefurov (Giraltovce), Slovakia; formerly Stefuró, Sáros County and Maria Kraychik Orechovsky nee Osifchin a native of Maly Lipnik, Slovakia; formerly Kis Hars / Kis Lipnik in Sáros County. Fr. Sergius was ordained a Benedictine priest in 1947.
Sister ‘Mary Anthony’ Julia Minarik, (1910-1975) born in Schuylkill County, Pennsylvania the daughter of Slovak born Joseph Minarik and Veronica Youpa a native of Maly Lipnik, Slovakia; formerly Kis Hars / Kis Lipnik in Sáros County.
Sister Mary Anthony entered Poor Clare’s Cloistered Monastery in Bordentown, Burlington County, New Jersey on her 21st birthday in 1931, after completing her nurse’s training at Wilson Memorial Hospital, Johnson City, New York.
Following the nursing profession, she served in the monastery’s infirmary for many years. She also served as mistress of novices in the monastery and was a member of the monastery council.
Several of her cousins were also in religious orders, Father David Andrew Bachkovsky, Father Youpa, Father Sergius Stephen Bachkovsky, and Sister ‘Mary Theresa’ Kawiecki.
Sister Margaret Elizabeth Pristas, (1927-2005) born in Passaic, New Jersey, granddaughter of Slovak born Peter & Anna Pristas. She was a teacher for the Community of Sisters of Christ the Teacher in Uniontown, Pennsylvania.
Sister Dorothy, this photo was found in a box of old photographs by Mary Youpa Halasz. Mary did not recall how "cousin" Sister Dorothy was related. She may be Sister ‘Mary Theresa’ Kawiecki. If anyone knows who Sister Dorothy was please contact chanda@tccweb.org
in the
Villages of Present-day Slovakia
by
Mr. Vladimir Bohinc
Not much has been said about this topic on this list and since there are some discussions about the records etc, I thought, this might contribute a little to better understanding of the social hierarchy in a Slovak village under feudalism. Almost all villages were founded out there in the woods, out of nothing.
Soltys / Locator - The Village Founder - First In Status
A man, who had a contract with the Landlord, and was responsible for one village, to bring the people there, and to oversee the construction etc, was called Soltys, or Locator. He was the first Mayor, and his descendants inherited this right. Some even took a surname Soltys. Others took the name of the place as surname ( or was it vice versa? I am not sure about that) The fact is, that I found many old Mayors to have names the same as the place they were living in. After the village was established, they got a grace period of 6 or 8 years, where they did not have to pay any taxes. They had to cultivate the land and bring up the livestock etc. Such a grace period is in Slovak called "Lehota". This is why so many places have such name Lehota. Such a Soltys, or Richtar or Judex or Fojt, was the number one in the village.( was A. J. Foyt, a famous Indianapolis racer of Slovak origin?)
Agricultural and Economic Property Units
At times, there were more than one [Soltys] at the same time, some being ex Judex. Basic agricultural and taxing unit of land property was called "Usadlost" or "Sessio" or "Lan" or "Hof" or "Rola". The size of it was depending upon the quality of land and varied very much. It was supposed to feed one family. It included the land in the village (Intravilan) and also outside (Extravilan). As many of you have already seen, Slovak villages usually have houses alongside the main road. A standard width for a full Sessio was about 30 yards or steps. In the beginning, every family got such a property. With time, these properties (Sessio), began to divide in halves, thirds, quarters and smaller parts, depending on number of children or for other reasons. If you look at a village house today, you still can see, whether it was a full sessio or what part of it.
Sedliak /Jobbagion / Colonus / Sessionatus - Second in Status
Pretty exactly, a man, that had such a Sessio was called Sedliak, or Jobbagion or Colonus or Sessionatus. In the beginning, this was the most numerous layer of population. They were No. 2 in the hierarchy. They had land and a home. With division of Sessios, the property became smaller and smaller. If it was smaller than 1/8 of the full size, it was not a Sedliak any more.
Zeliar / Inquilinus /Hofer / Hostak - Third in Status
Here we come to the category No.3, which is called Zeliar, or Inquilinus or Hofer or Hostak or Domkar or Chalupnik. They had a small house and a small piece of land. Many Mayors had their "own" Inquilini on their land. So did also some priests.
Subinqilinus" or "Podludnik - Fourth In Status
Category No.4 was so called "Subinqilinus" or "Podludnik". They did not have their own house and also had no land. They were living with another Inquilinus as servants. Craftsmen like blacksmiths or millers etc were living as Inquilini or Subinquilini. They did not need land for their living.
Libertini - A Special Class - Freedom from Taxes
A special class were "Libertini". ( Thus the surname Slobodnik) They possessed papers, that gave them freedom from most of the Taxes and duties to the Landlord.
Mendicus / Zobrak - The Beggar
The last one in the village was naturally a beggar or mendicus or zobrak.
Empirical Evidence
In last couple of weeks I entered over 12000 oldest surnames, which I found in Urbar books from 16th and 17th century. These are the sources of first known surnames of subjects, that were not of noble origin, meaning ordinary people, from the territory of present Slovakia and some parts of Poland and Hungary. It is very interesting to see those surnames, that probably were created not long before the books were written. In many cases one can see surnames like Polak, Rusnak, Lengyel, Slovenec, Slovak, Czech, Crawat, Valach, which indicates, that this person, or his ancestor, did not have a particular surname, and was given such based on the country of his origin. There are many examples, where the miller was called Mlinar or Molnar, a fisherman was called Rybar, etc. This clearly indicates, that this surname was given either to this person or to his father, probably not further back.
For a limited number of names I can have a look into the data base, to see what was the original spelling and what was the location and status then. In many cases it can be seen, where this surname began to spread from. Inquiries are welcome. Another interesting fact is also, that in every Castle Estate, there were always some Sessios deserted, meaning, the people left to some better places. Naturally, the Landlord was interested to have as many as possible subjects, so there were always new people coming. The history of Slovakia is full of migration.
Mr. Bohnic is a Professional Genealogist, based in Nové Mesto nad Váhom, Slovakia. More information and inquiries can be placed through his web site, Konekta s. r. o.
This article has been re-printed with the permission of Mr. Bohnic.
Copyright (c) 2000 - Central Europe Review
All Rights Reserved: REPRODUCED WITH PERMISSION
Present-day Poland is perceived by many as being an ethnically homogenous country. To a great extent, this is true. However, there are still several significant minority groups residing within Poland’s borders - one of which is the Lemko. Now that Communism has come to an end, many minority groups are at last finding their voices once more and reviving their cultures in a new atmosphere of openness and freedom.
The Lemko, a distinct ethnic group from the southeast corner of the country, are also attempting to reassert their cultural identity. However, they seem to be caught in a continuing identity crisis, as a result of which they are unable to unify themselves into one community and create a strong political organization that could effectively represent their interests.
The northern slopes of the Carpathian Mountains in Poland (near the Ukrainian border) has been the Lemko’s home for centuries and this area is known to the locals as Lemkovyna, or Lemkowszczyzna in Polish. The Lemko belonged to the eastern branch of Christianity, used the Cyrillic alphabet and spoke an East Slavic language - yet they were neither Polish nor Ukrainian.
The Lemko are sometimes considered to be Ruthenian or Rusyn, a term that indicates a pro-Russian orientation. Their attractive onion-domed wooden churches are still scattered throughout the remote and sparsely populated areas of the Beskid Sadecki, Beskid Niski and the Bieszczady mountains. Due to the inaccessibility of this region, the Lemko lived here relatively undisturbed by outside influences for many years.
This situation changed with the arrival of the 20th century and the two World Wars. In the interwar period, both the Poles and the neighboring Ukrainians tried to get the Lemko to identify with Polish or Ukrainian nationalist causes, with little success. Their allegiance was also sought by both during World War II, a conflict that was particularly destructive in this area.
In 1944, Poland and the Soviet Union agreed upon a series of population transfers that saw Ukrainians, Belorussians, Russians and Rusyns (Lemko) transferred to the Soviet Ukraine and Belorussia. Although these transfers were supposedly voluntary, there was strong pressure to move. Near the end of the war, the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) sent some of its members to fight in the Lemko region. Whilst few of the Lemko actually sympathized with the UPA, the new Polish People’s Republic did not see it that way. In Warsaw the Lemko were perceived as Ukrainian sympathizers.
The result of this opinion was Operation Vistula (Akcja Wisla), the worst tragedy to befall the Lemko this century. In the spring and summer of 1947 the entire region was depopulated, whole villages emptied, as the Lemko were scattered throughout the northern and western territories of Poland. As they were moved out, Polish settlers moved into many of the abandoned villages and converted the Orthodox churches for Catholic use or left them empty. The theory was that exile would destroy support in the area for the Ukrainian nationalists. Instead, it nearly destroyed Lemko culture.
Despite some stirrings of cultural activity after 1956, when some Lemkos were allowed to return to their homeland, the question of Lemko culture and identity was essentially frozen until 1989 and the fall of Communism. Along with the Kashubians, Roma, Germans and other Polish minorities, the Lemko have now begun to focus on preserving their unique culture and asserting their political rights. However, they have not re-emerged from this period as a unified group, old differences remain and new ones have arisen to make the reconstruction of their ethnic unity a difficult task.
For all the Lemko their homeland has long been an important focus point of their cultural revival. While their mountain region was never autonomous, until 1947, it was always the geographic center of their identity. Thus the injustice of the deportations remains an important issue for many of the Lemko and the Polish government has yet to offer any reparations.
However, the post-1947 Lemko community has grown up surrounded by Polish influences and individuals have often hidden their ethnic background to avoid ridicule. As a result, many are now largely assimilated into Polish society and disinclined to return to a rural farming lifestyle. The homeland still exerts a strong pull on many Lemkos, but often as more of an ancestral myth or a place of pilgrimage than as a place to reside. The feelings of community and identity provided by living in one geographic region have been dissipated, leaving them more open to further assimilation into the larger Polish community.
Aside from the issue of assimilation, there are also major splits within the Lemko community, which pose difficult barriers to rebuilding a strong ethnic identity. The most contentious issue dividing the Lemko is that of religion, one of the main tenets of their identity. While many of the Lemko are Orthodox, there is also a large segment of the population which has adopted the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church.
This conflict is not new; when Ukrainian nationalists were pressuring the Lemko to identify with their struggle and with their religion, during the early part of this century, there occurred a parallel backlash which led other Lemko to return to Orthodoxy. During the Communist era, this conflict was submerged due to the liquidation of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church, but it has now returned in the post-Communist era.
Closely related to this division is one of ethno-national orientation. A recent census of minorities in Poland stated that there are between 50,000 and 150,000 Lemkos in the country. The huge disparity between theses two figures can be at least be partly explained by the fact that many of the Lemko, who are loyal to the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church, are also pro-Ukrainian and identify themselves with the larger Ukrainian community. In contrast, the Orthodox members of Lemko society usually see their identity as being part of a larger Slavonic or Carpatho-Rusyn group and state their ethnicity as Lemko or Rusyn.
These major divisions within Lemko society are not ameliorated by the attitude of the Polish government. While the government’s record of minority rights protection has generally been good, with ample provisions made for preservation of minority languages and traditions, the Lemko are officially considered to be part of the Ukrainian nation. This is problematic for the Orthodox Lemko who prefer a Rusyn orientation.
The Polish Helsinki Committee has noted in recent years that the Lemko have had difficulty in obtaining instruction in their native language as the Polish government felt that this need was already provided for via Ukrainian language provisions. It should be noted however, that there are now several schools teaching the Lemko language. There has never been a complete denial of the existence of the pro-Rusyn Lemko, but there is a lack of understanding of their cultural and linguistic needs and cultural identity.
Lemko Cultural Revival
As the Lemko continue to try to revive their cultural traditions in the post-Communist era, the splits in their community are reflected in the organizations that they have formed since 1989. The two leading groups are the Society of Lemkos, formed in 1989, and the Union of Lemkos, formed in 1990.
The Union represents the pro-Ukrainian segment of Lemko society, and is most active in the Lemko region itself. The Society, on the other hand, was formed in southwest Poland by a community of exiled Lemkos, and does not support identification with Ukraine. Both of these organizations are concerned specifically with group identity through scholarly research, seminars, publications, festivals and the promotion of their native language in schools.
One of the main expressions of the Lemko’s cultural revival is the Vatra(bonfire), a festival which started back in 1979. The first Vatra was held outside the Lemko region, in Michalow near Legnica. At these festivals, Lemkos from across Poland and around the world gather for a weekend of speeches, performances, competitions and church services.
These celebrations of Lemko culture and history have done much to build a sense of identity amongst their far-flung ethnic community, yet they do not entirely overcome the over-riding ethno-national and religious splits. Today there are two annual Vatras, one within the historic homeland and a "Vatra in exile." The former is sponsored by the pro-Ukrainian Union of Lemkos and the "Vatra in Exile" by the pro-Rusyn Society of Lemkos.
The emigrant community has also played a major role in preserving and reviving Lemko culture, including sending aid to Lemkos remaining in Poland, yet they too are divided on the issue of Lemko identity.
After World War I and II, many Lemkos left Poland for the United States and Canada. There, the pro-Ukrainian groups established organizations such as the World Lemko Federation, the Defense of the Lemko Region and the Ukrainian language newspaper, Lemko News. Pro-Rusyn groups began publishing Karpatska Rus and organized the Lemko Association. More recently, a Carpatho-Rusyn Research Center was established by Paul Magocsi and a Carpatho-Rusyn website now promotes genealogical research, cultural events and scholarly research on the Lemko and other Carpatho-Rusyn groups.
The current situation among the Lemko, both within Poland and abroad, reveals a confusing mass of identities. Individuals may feel they are Polish, Ukrainian or Rusyn. They may attend the Orthodox or the Ukrainian Catholic Church, if they are religious at all that is. And due to assimilation and emigration, many may or may not feel that it is important to return to their homeland in order to be truly Lemko.
This confusion and the resultant lack of cohesion make it difficult for the Lemko to form a unified cultural identity. Therefore it is problematic for activist groups to adequately represent the entire society and protect their rights. While the tenacious existence of the Lemko ensures their survival, it is not yet known what form their future identity might take.
After arrival in their new homeland, Carpatho-Rusyns and other Slavic heritages began to establish themselves as communities. The building of churches, club halls and organizations to aid them financially and socially was a natural development. At first, these organizations would encompass all Rusyn immigrants from the Austro-Hungarian and Russian Empire regions. Later, these took on a territorial, heritage and linguistic emphasis. The Rusyns who immigrated set up the same social structures that were established in their former lands. Local grocery stores, butchers, bakeries, taverns, a church and other businesses helped Rusyns adapt. Fraternal brotherhoods were known in the regions Rusyns immigrated from. It is not surprising they brought these structural ideas with them. Fraternal organizations were organized in Galicia and Subcarpathia as early as the sixteenth century. Most times, they were utilized for the support of the particular religion of the area.
These brotherhoods in Europe were more religious than social in operation. Instead of paying death and disability benefits, they aided the construction of churches, church-run schools, training for icon and religious works artists, establishing church orphanages and support of area monasteries to preserve the faith. Upon arrival to new countries these organizations evolved and focused on secular aspects. The natural sequence of any group is mutual assistance. This is when the brotherhoods, fraternal groups and church-based organizations began. Since Rusyns had limited resources, various organizations were started for assistance. Loans to purchase a home, life insurance for burial expenses and worker compensation policies were made available. These organizations, some small, some very large, helped the immigrant feel more comfortable not only socially, but also financially.
Upon review of historical documentation, the first organized fraternal group mentioned was the St. Nicholas Brotherhood, which began in 1885. This group, from Shenandoah, Pennsylvania, was started by the Greek Catholic priest Father John Volansky. This brotherhood also sponsored a newspaper entitled "Ameryka" and was in operation from 1886 to 1890. Next to be founded was the Greek Catholic Union of Rusin Brotherhoods (later to be known as the Greek Catholic Union) (1892), and started a newspaper "Amerikansky Russky Viestnik.@" Other fraternal groups started were the Russian Orthodox Catholic Mutual Aid Society (1895) the Russian Brotherhood Organization who offered a newspaper "Pravda" (1901), the United Societies of Greek Catholic Religion (1903) which offered a newspaper "Prosvita" and later changed their name to United Societies of U.S.A., the Russian Orthodox Fraternity Lubov (1912), the United Russian Orthodox Brotherhood of America (1915) which later would change their name to the Orthodox Society of America and the Greek Catholic Carpatho-Russian Benevolent Association Liberty (1918) which offered a newspaper "Vostok."
There were other organizations, which were small and locally based in churches during this period. Various "Brotherhoods" or "Burial Societies" were started in churches. Many times, these organizations were named after a patron saint of the church but could have many titles (i.e., First Russian Slavonic Greek Catholic Benevolent Society, St. Dimitri Burial Society, St. Michael Brotherhood). A good number of these locally based fraternal organizations offered small payments for financial need or burial expenses. There were problems with church based fraternal organizations in later years. When the disagreements started in relationship to the Greek Catholic Church things became tangled. Many Rusyns had no way of knowing as years passed the fraternal organizations and their own churches would be caught up in many dilemmas. These situations would not only touch upon their churches but would affect the very fraternal organizations that they had worked so hard to establish.
In relationship to the smaller fraternal groups, which were, church-based matters could be distressing. When a congregation voted to apply for acceptance into an Orthodox jurisdiction, conflict ensued. A court battle would be instituted to secure the finances in the organization's bank account and this transpired often. For those who had paid premiums for years and were now too old to secure any form of insurance, this amounted to a crisis of faith and finances. To avoid this problem, or, if no fraternal was available, Rusyns at times joined other established organizations. There were many of these but the larger fraternal groups were the First Catholic Slovak Union Jednota (1890), Pennsylvania Slovak Roman and Greek Catholic Union (1891), Czech Sokol of St. Louis (1865) and the Roman and Greek Catholic Gymnastic Slovak Union Sokol (later to be known as the Slovak Catholic Sokol) (1905). These organizations offered the same types of insurance and financial stability for various aspects of immigrant’s lives. Many times they also supported social-based functions to help the immigrant stay in touch with others from their same regions.
It was beneficial to be involved with these organizations. These fraternal groups were acceptable for some. For other individuals they lacked the religious and ethnic identifier. Many Rusyns wished to have their own organizations for financial and social interaction. If Rusyns were involved in a fraternal organization, which offered little in their language, customs or religion it was natural to seek out organizations, which could. Various fraternal organizations were connected directly with the religious identities of the membership. It was sensible for those of one faith to attend an organization that offered the same. Many heritages became attached to organizations that offered financial, religious, ethnic and social benefits. The search for an organization that offered heritage affiliation and the same language became more pronounced. The withdrawal of many members and splinter groups began in fraternal organizations due to these reasons. Individuals who identified ethnically would leave an organization that had a majority of another heritage in control. Many Rusyns left different heritage-based organizations for others and vice versa. This not only was common in the large fraternal groups but in local churches. Many problems began to develop especially from political and religious avenues. The Reverend Andrew Hodobay, Hungarian apostolic visitor came to America on church related business in 1902. He tried to have the editor of Amerikansky Russky Viestnik, Paul Zhatkovich, removed. It was felt the pro-Rusyn views of this newspaper were harming the policy of "Magyarization" in the Austro-Hungarian Empire. When this failed, he worked to have him extradited from America to Hungary, which ultimately failed.
The bickering within these organizations was fueled by the religious and ethnic sectors. These conflicts would produce more organizations. A large group decided to leave the Greek Catholic Union due to disagreements. This group primarily immigrated from Galicia and present day Ukraine. They founded the Russian/Rusyn National Association in 1894. Their paper "Svoboda" began printing in 1894 and in 1914 the name was officially changed to the Ukrainian National Association. Today, this association is the largest Ukrainian secular group in America. The various newspapers of the fraternal organizations were learning first hand about freedom of the press. Many periodicals, pamphlets and fraternal newspapers used this medium to express their views on a variety of topics. Ethnic bantering was always under the surface in many newspapers of this period. These newspapers began with the purpose of bringing information to their memberships. Many newspapers in the beginning were published in the language and alphabet of their memberships. For the Rusyn, it was necessary to publish newspapers in the Cyrillic and Latin alphabets. There were members who could read one, or both. The utilization of both alphabets was beneficial to the members and practical to the organization. Various fraternal organizations also published an elaborate Kalendr. This yearbook not only offered holy days of the church but also had spiritual and cultural items for educational purposes.
All fraternal organizations at their inception had one common goal. The entire reason was for the benefit of the membership. A review of documentation gives a glimpse into benefits and their cost. Members of these organizations paid premiums for different financial policies. The smaller church-based societies offered more flexibility due to their size. One church-sponsored organization, St. Dimitri Burial Society, charged their members an initial $.25 membership fee. Two basic payments of burial benefits were offered. First was a payment in the sum of $200.00 and the second was for $100.00. Charges for the higher amount of insurance cost $.50 per month, the lower amount was $.25 per month. If a family or individual were unemployed, ill or unable to pay the premium, the organization would waive payments until they could be made. In the larger organizations policies were more structured. The Slovak Catholic Sokol during the years 1918-1919 offered a death benefit at the minimum of $250.00. Policies were issued in increments of $500.00, $750.00 or $1,000.00. For children, the Sokol offered a set death benefit in the amount of $300.00. Another group, the Greek Catholic Union in 1893 offered the following. A death benefit was $400.00 for a husband. In the event his wife died, the husband would receive a payment of $200.00. An interesting note for this fraternal was that these policies were paid even if the beneficiary resided in Europe. To offset operating costs, $.50 was assessed as an initial membership fee and a monthly fee of one nickel was charged to support the organization.
Fraternal Organizations at this point had not been affected fully by outside religious influences. It was not long before tensions mounted and they became manifested. The reason for the inception of the United Societies of Greek Catholic Religion (United Societies of U.S.A.) in McKeesport, Pennsylvania was simple. This group felt the Greek Catholic Union was rebelling against the Greek Catholic Church and especially towards Bishop Soter Ortynsky , which United Societies of U.S.A. supported. The Greek Catholic Union felt that Bishop Ortynsky was supporting a "pro-Ukrainian" identity along with supporting Rome's "Ea Semper" decree which was strongly resented by many Rusyns. Thousands of Rusyns were stranded in the middle of these arguments both for and against these issues. As these debates raged Rusyns left fraternal groups depending upon the religious and political positions. This was to continue and both sides used their newspapers to reinforce views on their members for years. Many fraternal newspapers also carried European and local news events. In an issue of "Svit" (New York) from 1912 a lengthy article was published in relationship to a strike in Perth Amboy, New Jersey. Labor conflicts were becoming common and many of the fraternal periodicals and newspapers carried these stories. Not only news but employment opportunities were also printed. Many times, people wonder how the immigrants moved to various states to obtain work. These periodicals routinely mentioned areas where work could be found, what companies were hiring and other important information. These newspapers were a vital link for the immigrant community. Rusyns not only read one, but as many as they could to keep in contact with events that were transpiring.
The defection of many Greek Catholic churches (1910 to 1930) to the Orthodox jurisdictions led more members to leave one fraternal and join, or begin a new one. It was also during this time that many of the smaller, locally based fraternal groups saw their demise due to a lack of membership. The Latinization of the Greek Catholic churches by Rome did nothing to stop the issue but only gave it more momentum. There were various newspapers and periodicals during the early years of this century that Rusyns had exposure to. Some of the more common were "Novoe vremia" from Russia, "Russkoe slovo" from Galicia, "Nedilia" from Budapest, "Pravda" from Olyphant, Pennsylvania,, "Svoboda" from Jersey City, New Jersey, "Svit" from New York, "Russkii emigrant", New York and the "Amerikansky Russky Viestnik" by the Greek Catholic Union. Newspapers were obtained and read by Rusyns from their churches or passed hand to hand. These newspapers, printed by fraternal groups, or not, were read by a high number of Rusyns. For many, it did not matter who was printing them. Good numbers would read them and agree with positions they approved of. If the positions printed were not agreed with, many Rusyns paid no attention but still read as many as they could.
During the period of religious turmoil many read these periodicals faithfully. The long-standing disagreements between the Greek Catholic Union and United Societies of U.S.A. can be seen in their newspapers of this period. Things became so tense between "Amerikansky Russky Viestnik" and "Prosvita" that the appointed bishop for Greek Catholics in America, Bishop Basil Takach, made an irrational decision and excommunicated the Greek Catholic Union as a fraternal organization and placed their newspaper on the Catholic church's "index of forbidden literature" list. The editor of Amerikansky Russky Viestnik along with other clergy and laity who were exhausted at trying to preserve Rusyn culture and religion within the Greek Catholic church decided to take action. These individuals saw no sense in continuing this battle and began the independent jurisdiction, the Carpatho-Russian Orthodox Greek Catholic Church, which today is based in Johnstown, Pennsylvania.
As time and assimilation transpired, the need for these fraternal organizations by many Rusyns and other Slavic immigrants did decline somewhat. Many Rusyns were becoming comfortable in America society. They were doing well financially and their children were being educated. The main focus on these fraternal organizations decreased for many reasons. Rusyns were fully immersed in American culture and could purchase their policies though financial institutions, insurance companies and other outlets. The attraction to purchase life insurance and other financial assistance policies from outside sources was becoming more common. Instead of dealing with a fraternal organization which could be a great distance, one could be had in the same town, or close by. It was also convenient to have an agent of a local insurance company come to the home to receive payment, which was automatically done years ago. Many times, the rates given (1920 to 1940) were the same and sometimes a bit better since the insurance companies had a larger financial base. Also, being attached to a public insurance company offered one major benefit. A business transaction with a non-fraternal organization offered none of the pressures or discord of an organization, which had strong religious and ethnic positions. Many fraternal organizations mentioned chose to drop any form of particular ethnic identification or political positions as time went on. The Greek Catholic Union eventually focused on their life insurance and financial organization while keeping quiet on ethnic identity and religious arguments. The United Russian Orthodox Brotherhood of America dropped the ethnic identity wording and followed the religious identity theme with a new name, the Orthodox Society of America. The United Societies of Greek Catholic Religion dropped the religious identity in their original name and are now known as The United Societies of U.S.A.
The various fraternal organizations spoken of were a much-needed part of Rusyn life in America. They served a purpose during an era when they were needed most. Without these fraternal organizations many Rusyns would never have secured the means for burial, worker compensation payments and other benefits. The social aspects of these organizations were vital for immigrants to associate with others of their own heritage and language. They were a necessity to those who used their services. Many of the organizations written about are still in existence and some have disbanded. As employment opportunities now include insurance and financial income grows, the need for these fraternal organizations has declined for some individuals. They are all very important in their own respect and offer a glimpse into the lives of our immigrant ancestors. The history of these fraternal organizations is the history of our ancestors. They are the ones who created and built them to where they are today.
In order to compile detailed genealogy research for the Ruthenian heritage, the first step (before you even get to the records) is to undertake a comprehensive study of the history of this heritage. These people, also called Rusnaks, Carpatho-Russians, Ruthenes, Carpatho-Rusyns or just Rusyn have had various names. If you can research much background data you will gain a better understanding of what the social, political and religious attitudes were. In this way the continuance of research will be more rewarding.
This essay deals exclusively with those of Ruthenian heritage from the former Austro-Hungarian Empire. Many issues are similar for others who immigrated and some will not be. You will find differences depending upon which area you research and no one way is absolute. Differences in general (how children were named) to the language (i.e. dialects) will show many disparities due to their area of living. An example can be those from the areas that were close to present day Poland may have Polish overtones in their superstitions or others who came from the areas of present-day Ukraine may have many Ukrainian or Russian traits due to assimilation.
The Ruthenians were without a country. The best definition and the easier way to understand them is that they were in the same category as the Jewish faith before the birth of the State of Israel. The similarities of the two heritages (minority status, persecution for no good reason, a different language than the official one, different customs, etc.) is acknowledged for how many villages did get along so well with the Jewish heritage. Ruthenians were scattered over various areas, but had no country to call their own. The Carpathian Mountain regions that were situated within the boundaries of the former Austro-Hungarian Empire encompassed an area of approximately 8,000 square miles. The areas that most Ruthenians lived in were not that bountiful and had archaic agricultural practices, poor soil, economic and political oppression, a high illiteracy rate (40%), disease and wars. This made for a substandard existence for many who were classified as "peasant society" and had no opportunity to improve their station in life. Escaping the various forms of oppression and want in these areas was unheard of, outside of death, until the great immigration to the United States began to take place in the late nineteenth century.
A good way to understand this heritage is to do research from many sources and not just take one researcher’s writings as positive proof. There are many reports, books, summaries and information available. The New York Public Library in New York City has a section dedicated to Ruthenians. Since they were a minority race (and as such were subject to abuse and prejudices, but also offering much to the society they lived in) the Ruthenians of the former Austro-Hungarian Empire had little choice but to assimilate as best they could to the "party line" of that empire just to survive. Always keep in mind this area was under a repressive monarchy and democracy was not the first order of business. This atmosphere, along with their unfortunate lack of education and financial security was detrimental. It gave a sense of insecurity, a lack of identity, and, the general prevailing attitude of they just had to obey. The Ruthenians were colonists in what was uninhabited lands and since they originally inhabited areas where there were no settlements, it was easier for them to retain many of their customs and language (whether secular or sacred.) This could be a good reason why so many stayed in non-productive areas. The old proverb from Imperial Russia comes to mind of, "The farther you are from the Tsar, the longer you will live." This would have been excellent thinking as the farther (and more remote) you are from the centralized government, the better your chances to live in peace.
To give a brief summary of Ruthenian background history prior to their entrance onto American soil the following could be said. The Ruthenians of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries could only boast of only two classes. The clergy/cantor and the peasant. They had no landed nobility who could champion their cause with few exceptions and members of the learned upper class cared very little for their own people and almost automatically became Magyarised (i.e. assimilated into the Hungarian nationality). The lowly life of the peasant was shared by the rustic priest who often disliked by his flock, tried sometimes to inflate the cultural standard of his people. Sadly, these representatives of the Ruthenian people could never agree totally with each other and never came to agreement on any one subject. The Ruthenians who immigrated to the United States of America were small at first. Hungarian records of 1870 show only 59 Subcarpathian Ruthenians attempting the journey. After 1879, these numbers grew quickly. No doubt the word spread from former immigrants who made the journey back and forth. The many leaflets that were passed out from companies here in America looking for inexpensive labor to build a swiftly growing American industry and that offered work and freedom also were a consideration. As more Ruthenians heard of what was available and stories grew of the wealth of America (real and imagined) their imaginations were fueled to the point culminating with the floodgates opening and great numbers began the journey. At this time is it was not just freedom that forced the immigrants to leave. The economy at that time was depressed in Europe, work was scarce, and, in America, they could find more than what was offered in the homeland.
Trying to gage just how many made this journey is the guessing game of the century. In statistic counting, no author who has or will compile these figures is totally accurate. There are many census figures and surveys that will not agree with another authors’ research but are researched only as a basis to follow. Compiling data in reference to the Ruthenians is difficult at best. Many came here with Hungarian paperwork and were thus classified as Hungarians, Slovaks, or other titles the bureaucrat may have decided to write down. The immigrant, only wishing to gain entrance to America was not about to dispute the title given to him. Another point is the true fact that many did not chose to identify as being from Ruthenian heritage and chose other more commonly known heritages to be classified as.
The Ruthenians departed lands of poverty and socio-political discrimination. In America they also experienced some of these same ugly forms of discrimination and many times even from the hands of their own heritage especially when the religious issues started to develop. The journey to a new land in itself was no easy road for the immigrants. Many had to sell all they owned to make the journey and options to come back home again were non-existent. The German ports of Bremerhaven (Bremen) and Hamburg were used by approximately two-thirds of immigrants from Austria-Hungary. At first, the immigrant would walk to the closest rail station to take them to the port areas. Towards the end of the century, the European railway system featured trains, often subsidized by the steamship companies. Immigrant traffic was big business and constant income and therefore, the rail and steamship companies had much to gain making the trip as easy and quick as possible. Once at the port, immigrants were given a medical examination before they boarded the ship (the companies had to pay for the trip back for anyone who was refused entry at Ellis Island.) After 1891, American Immigration laws demanded that the steamship lines vaccinate, disinfect and examine their passengers prior to sailing so as to reduce the prospects of anyone entering the United States in poor health.
On board the immigrants were directed to their area, known as "steerage." Travelers had to bring their own mattresses, cups, plates and personal items. The air was always stale because of poor ventilation. They cooked meals in one of the galleys in steerage. The ship companies provided toilet facilities but this could be a difficult issue. Some earlier ships had as few as twenty-one toilets per one thousand immigrants or more. Later, it was stated that there was one toilet for every forty-seven to sixty travelers. The trip could take from eight to twenty-one days depending upon the point of departure. A ticket in 1910 cost about ten dollars. The immigrants, never having been far from their own villages, must have gone through great trauma upon entering this situation for the next two or so weeks but the voyage was only temporary.
Ruthenians who finally arrived had to find employment. Compared to their former homeland, a non-skilled laborer was doing much better in the United States. In Hungary, the Ruthenian would labor fourteen hours to earn approximately twenty-five to thirty-five cents; the same wage could be earned in America for one hour’s worth of work. If a family worked hard and saved their money they could own their own home in a short time. Many here especially took in boarders to help pay the rent and, therefore, made it ahead much sooner than others who had no assistance to pay their rental fees for the month.
These immigrants found many aspects of life common to what they knew in Europe. Prejudices, in all forms were well known during the turn of the century and the general American public were not sympathetic. A brief look at what the immigrants encountered can be seen in this reference to an old newspaper article from an immigrant ethnic city in America. Most at this time resented the new immigrants for not only social, but religious reasons. They lost no chance to give the immigrants trouble at times. A documented case of the treatment of those of Slavic heritage was entitled "JOHN KRYNACK’S CRUEL TREATMENT" In synopsis, the story is about an individual who was Hungarian and earned his living as a tailor. His wife and family were still in the old country and he lived, ate, slept and worked in one room. He bought food from a butcher and when he ran up a bill of $3.00 the butcher took him to court. The butcher was given the right to attach his property as payment for the debt as he told the judge that the Hungarian was going to leave the country. A local lawyer heard of the case and decided to help the Hungarian. The butcher had taken the Hungarian’s sewing machine as payment for the debt and now the man had no form of income at all.
"When this gentleman (the attorney) learned that Krynack had no means of earning a livelihood without his sewing machine, he first went before Justice Conkling and got the attachment canceled and restored the machine. Then he brought Krynack before Justice Ross and began an action for damages against Levy (the butcher)
on the ground that he falsified when representing Krynack as an absconding debtor."
Other news stories began to appear on various subjects that included the immigrants and one that was very interesting is an article entitled "FOREIGNERS AT THE PASSAIC POST OFFICE" which states:
These sediments were echoed in various towns and cities throughout the United States during the days of immigration (and beyond). The Ruthenians were not exempt from the prejudices of their old country, and, it would take them time to gain a foot hold in the new one to overcome references such as mentioned above. It is to their credit that they worked hard and strove for a better life. Not to be ever forgotten was how patriotic they were. Many served in the wars that were to come in America and did so very proudly. Good numbers of Ruthenians graduated to become business owners in many positions. Their love of this country also forced many to forsake all and make sure that their children would advance to higher educational institutions as there was no better way to "get ahead" than though the educational process. It was not uncommon as is evidenced in the numerous official census depending upon the region of the United States the immigrant resided in to see many immigrants who progressed in a few short years. Going from "unskilled laborer" to "business owner" and beyond was common, especially if one lived in an area that was more open market than those areas that had mills and mines. Those of Ruthenian heritage shared the same dreams and hopes as other immigrants who came to the shores of America to make a better life for themselves and to see their children, and grandchildren safe and secure.
Brian J Pozun, 26 June 2000
Vol 2, No 25
Copyright (c) 2000 - Central Europe Review
All Rights Reserved: REPRODUCED WITH PERMISSION
The vocal Albanian minority in Kosovo and Metohija and the Hungarian minority in the Vojvodina are not the only national minorities in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. The Carpatho-Rusyns, or Ruthenians, are one of the smaller, lesser-known and more successful national minorities living in Yugoslavia today. But what will happen to them if the Vojvodina really is to be the next Kosovo?
The Carpatho-Rusyns (also called Ruthenians) are a small Slavic group of just under two million who live primarily in Ukraine, Slovakia, Poland, Hungary and Romania, as well as in diaspora in Yugoslavia, the Czech Republic, the United States and elsewhere. They speak a range of dialects and standardized languages that are officially classified as East Slavic and are written using the Cyrillic alphabet. Most belong to the Greek Catholic Church, but the Orthodox Church also has strong support among the group.
Some 250 years ago, Rusyns began migrating south from their homeland in the Carpathian mountains to the Srem and Bačka regions of what is now the Vojvodina in Yugoslavia and Eastern Slavonia in Croatia. At the time, the Carpathian region along with the Srem and Bačka regions were all parts of the Kingdom of Hungary. The first major Rusyn settlement in this region was in Ruski Kerestur (in Serbian, Ruski Krstur), to this day inhabited almost exclusively by Rusyns.
Rusyns in the Vojvodina
In the Vojvodina today there are officially about 18,000 Rusyns. They make up 0.2 per cent of the total population of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, and 0.9 per cent of the population of the Vojvodina. Unofficial data taking voluntary assimilation and other factors into account shows significantly higher numbers, as high as 35,000. Apart from external factors such as voluntary assimilation and emigration, the Rusyn minority, like other groups in the Vojvodina, suffers from a low birthrate and declining population statistics.
The historical heart of the Rusyn settlement in Yugoslavia, Ruski Kerestur, remains the Rusyns' major center. It is home to 6000 Rusyns who make up 95 per cent of the population of the small town. Rusyns also live in significant numbers in the small towns of Kucura, Đurđevo several others. The cities of Novi Sad, Sid, Sremska Mitrovica, Vrbas and Kula also count Rusyns among their inhabitants.
Rusyn culture in Yugoslavia
The major organization working to protect and promote Rusyn culture in Yugoslavia is the Rusinska Matka, founded in 1945 and re-established in 1990. It is headed by a teacher, Mihajlo Varga. The organization works closely with other Rusyn groups throughout the world, and especially with those in Slovakia. An educational exchange program conducted by Rusinska Matka and its Slovak counterpart, Rusinska Obroda, has brought Slovak Rusyns to Ruski Kerestur and Yugoslav Rusyns to the Slovak Rusyn town of Medžilaborec. Cooperation between these two organizations also extends into the fields of culture and municipal administration.
The two most important Rusyn cultural events are the annual cultural festival Červena Ruža and theatre festival in memory of Petro Riznić Đađa. Both are held in Ruski Kerestur. The Society for Rusyn Language and Literature, founded in 1970, succeeded in publishing the first volume of a Serbian-Rusyn dictionary in 1996, and the second volume in 1999, in cooperation with the University of Novi Sad.
Use of the Rusyn language
The Yugoslav government has consistently supported the use of the Rusyn language since the days of Tito. While the Rusyn language was, and continues to be, suppressed by official policies elsewhere in Europe, in the Vojvodina there is a long tradition of its public use. Rusyn has been used in governmental administration since 1974, when the new constitution of the Vojvodina named it one of the five official languages of the province (the other four were Serbian, Hungarian, Slovak and Romanian). Elementary education in the Vojvodina is routinely conducted in the all of the province's five official languages, including Rusyn, and there is a strong Rusyn-language tradition in the media.
Rusyn has been used in education on the territory of the Vojvodina since 1751. The Rusyn community has the lowest rate of illiteracy and the highest percentage of individuals with a secondary or higher education in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. In 1992, students in Ruski Kerestur received the highest marks in the Vojvodina in standardised testing.
As of the 1996-1997 school year, more than 50 per cent of all Rusyn students in the Vojvodina had some form of Rusyn-language education. The Petro Kuzmjak Gymnasium in Ruski Kerestur is the only one in the world offering a complete elementary education conducted in Rusyn. In schools where Rusyn is not the primary language, classes in Rusyn language and national culture are offered. More than 125 Rusyns are presently enrolled at the University of Novi Sad, which until recently had the only Department of Rusyn Language and Literature in the world. At present, 15 Rusyn students are pursing that course of study.
Rusyn-language newspapers have appeared in the Vojvodina since 1924. The most important publisher of Rusyn-language materials is the publishing house Ruske Slovo, which annually publishes several books and four magazine titles, in addition to the 20-page weekly newspaper Ruske Slovo (Rusyn Word). Ruske Slovo has a print run of about 2500 copies. It has been noted that when the number of Rusyns in Yugoslavia is compared with Ruske Slovo's publication statistics, almost 10 per cent of all Rusyns in Yugoslavia subscribe to Ruske Slovo, and a far greater number read it without subscribing.
The Rusyn community is also served by radio and television. Radio Novi Sad annually broadcasts about 1500 hours of radio programming in Rusyn. Every week there are 4 hours of talk- and music-format Rusyn programming, complemented by several special programs in the course of each year, such as coverage of important cultural events and church services on important holidays. Radio and Television Serbia broadcasts about 143 hours of Rusyn-language TV programming annually. There is a ten-minute news broadcast in Rusyn five times per week, and on Saturday there is a 60-minute magazine show. There are also several other special programs aired throughout the year.
Prospects for the Rusyns
For all of the success the Rusyns have had in preserving their culture in Yugoslavia, there is much cause for concern. During the war between Serbia and Croatia in the first half of the 1990s, the Rusyn community was particularly hard hit. The fact that Rusyns from Serbia were drafted into the Yugoslav army, while those from Croatia were drafted into the Croat army, meant that Rusyns were fighting Rusyns in a war that was against their national interests. The Croatian region of Eastern Slavonia was home to a community of several thousand Rusyns, centered on the cities of Vukovar and Osijek. It was also the scene of some of the worst fighting of the war. Before the war, official statistics showed over 3000 Rusyns living in Vukovar. Death, deportations and escape left the community severely depleted. Today, however, signs of recovery are beginning to show.
The Rusyn community suffered with everyone else in the Vojvodina during the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia last year. Fortunately, the Rusyn center of Ruski Kerestur was untouched. As one resident commented, "Sometimes it's a great plus when you live in a small and somewhat backward village without factories and bridges." As is well known, the regional center of Novi Sad and many other cities in the Vojvodina with Rusyn populations were not as lucky.
Life in the Rusyn community is slowly returning to normal. Last October, a group of 27 students and ten teachers from an elementary school in Medžilaborec, an important Rusyn town in Slovakia, participating in an exchange program with the Rusyn elementary school in Ruski Kerestur became one of the first foreign delegations to visit Yugoslavia after the end of the bombing.
The NATO bombing energized the significant Hungarian minority in the Vojvodina, which began intensifying demands for the return of autonomy to the Vojvodina. Fortunately for the Rusyn minority, the leader of League of Social Democrats of Vojvodina and Serbian opposition figure Nenad Canak is opposing those demands. As Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty has reported, "the small Ruthenian and Ukrainian minorities would get practically nothing" given the demographic dominance of the Hungarian minority.
The preferred solution would be a return to the situation that existed from 1974 to 1989. At that time, the Vojvodina was an autonomous province within Serbia, like Kosovo and Metohija, which gave five nationalities (Serbs, Hungarians, Slovaks, Romanians and Rusyns) official status. These five nationalities remained official even after autonomy was revoked.
Vojvodina and Kosovo-Metohija
When the autonomy of the Vojvodina was revoked, there was public unrest, but nothing like that which occurred in Kosovo and Metohija. The Albanian minority in Kosovo had the same rights and guarantees as the Rusyn minority of the Vojvodina and other minority groups throughout Yugoslavia, but their desire for independence or unification with Albania created a completely different situation.
While it is impossible to condone the suppression of the Albanians in Kosovo by the Yugoslav and Serbian governments, one only has to refer to international coverage of the Kosovo situation from the late 1980s to see that the Albanians took a much different tack than the Rusyns in trying to secure more freedoms. One article published in the New York Times in 1987, concerning the problems brewing in Kosovo, said "The goal of the radical nationalists among them, one said in an interview, is an 'ethnic Albania that includes western Macedonia, southern Montenegro, part of southern Serbia, Kosovo and Albania itself.'" This persists to the present day, and has never seemed more likely.
The fact that the Albanians have the highest birthrate in Europe and made up 90 per cent of Kosovo's population while the Rusyns have a low birthrate and make up only 0.9 per cent of Vojvodina's population must also be taken into consideration. Moreover, the Rusyns are Slavic and are more easily assimilated into the majority Serb population. The Rusyns were and are much more vulnerable than the Albanians and considerably much less of a threat to the Serbian leadership. But the Hungarians are not.
The Rusyn experience in Yugoslavia has been marked by cultural achievements and peaceful coexistence. But in the past ten years, the Rusyns have twice been made victims simply by virtue of being in the wrong place at the wrong time: during the Serb-Croat war, and again during the NATO bombing. The potential for a third has remained on the horizon since the end of the bombings in the form of the Hungarian minority's calls for autonomy or unification with Hungary. The Hungarians' demands are the same as those of the Albanians and the issue must be addressed as soon as possible if a Kosovo-like situation is to be prevented. The Rusyns have survived in Yugoslavia for more than 250 years, but, through no fault of their own, they may not be able to survive there much longer.
Brian J Pozun, 26 June 2000
The greatest identifier of a nationality is their title. This basic necessity is lost at times for those heritages that never held their own country. For minority peoples, living in a country that is dominated by one, or more majority heritages can be problematic. This dilemma becomes more pronounced if the heritage has no established country as a foundation. Such is the challenge of a minority race. Rusyns, or the longer form of the title Ruthenians, have never had a solidly established country. Those who tried to clarify what type of exact background they sprang from always confused the heritage question. Add to this turbulence in the title of their religious affiliations and the total question becomes a competition of theories. The Ruthenian people were always at the center of conflict, and for a proper answer to many title questions. The historical fact that Rusyns resided in areas that were at the crossroads of East and West adds yet more turmoil. Taking into consideration all of the above, it was quite natural that there has always been such a blizzard of ideas and pronouncements upon this heritage.
In relationship to the title question, look at the name offered that is many times used to identify this heritage, Carpatho-Rusyn. The term Carpatho derives from the word Carpathian, which denotes the Carpathian Mountain chain, which runs through most of Eastern Europe. The word Rusyn derives itself from Ruthenia, which was also an indicator of an area or territory, not a race. The natural progression of heritages is to claim identity with something they know and the Ruthenians were not different in this aspect. Since many of them resided in and around the Carpathian Mountain chain and, remembering the ancient term of Ruthenia for these areas, the evolution to identify with a title settled with this term. Not only in name but also in regions were there were dividing lines. Before the division of present day Poland in approximately 1772, the Rusyns who inhabited the Galician regions lived in Polish lands. In the northeastern Hungarian regions the Sub-Carpathian Rusyns made their homes. Not only where these Rusyns divided by regions but also by very marked cultural differences as well. Rusyns who resided to the north of the Carpathian Mountains tended to absorb some aspects of the cultures of the Polish and Ukrainians while those to the south saw Hungarian and Slovak traits intertwined with their own.
In addition to this, insert the factors of various religious titles. Until approximately the sixteenth century, many Rusyns were Eastern Orthodox in religious identity. With time came a new church, the "Greek Catholic" church. This church was expressly conceived so that those who were Orthodox could join with Rome (i.e. Catholicism) and still retain their Eastern Christian practices. It was considered too difficult to "convert" them from Eastern to Western religious practices and this compromise was the result. The title question avails itself in this area of the Rusyn’s existence. They were "Greek" Catholics, yet this word Greek does not denote that they identified with Hellenic culture. It was a title to imply "Greek Orthodox Christianity" which the faith was drawn from and which was the Eastern Orthodox faith. Vast numbers of the Rusyn population were peasants who never were given the opportunity to read, nor write. They did know what their religious observances were and it was easier for the Roman Catholic Church to permit these people to retain their eastern religious practices. The addition of the title "Catholic" was added so that they would be classified as being under the authority of Rome. The culmination of the birth of this new church was made after serious discussion between both hierarchies in 1595 at the Treaty of Brest and finally, concluding in 1646 with the Union of Uzhhorod.
The title question now becomes more involved. We have a heritage that draws its name from an area, or territory (i.e. Ruthenia) and added to this are the titles of "Greek Catholic" but not meaning the Greek or Hellenic culture for this race. Most religions at these times tended to be ethnic in origins and therefore, would not only denote ones religious adherence, but their heritage as well. A prime example is the "Roman" Catholic Church. Since this church was based in Rome, the title "Roman" which does denote a race was used exclusively. This was no different with those of Slavic heritage. Individuals would call their church a Slovak Catholic Church, a Magyar Catholic Church and so on for identity purposes. The minority heritage of the Ruthenians remained in the middle of not only governmental and territorial but also of religious conflicts. The problem of title has been hard on those of Rusyn heritage, not only many centuries ago but being still with us in the present day. How does one identify with such an entangled situation of identity, territory and religious affiliation? The answers came and still come in many different forms, and have been debated for centuries with no firm resolution.
One of the greatest avenues for the Rusyn to find some form of stability in life was assimilation. Assimilation, either in a minor or major way for their culture, religion, thoughts and language did take place on many occasions. Depending upon the area the Rusyn lived in, there was always some concession to make life easier. If one lived in a village in Eastern Europe, or in a big city in some other country after immigration, the need to grasp a title that would bring stability sometimes was a necessity. As to Eastern Europe it is a fact that the Rusyns themselves had definite marked differences in their language, customs, and even in the amount of importance each group placed upon their own identity. There have been many titles given to different types of territories that denote those of Rusyn heritage but also took in the different forms of language and customs. Some of the region classifications are Lemko, Bojko, Hutsul, Northern Bukovyna, Zakarpattia and Presov. Different sides of this heritage issue seem from research to have common problems but never having the common consensus to rectify them. The various outside influences that wished to impart their views upon this heritage increased the lack of clarity for this issue. The Hungarians, who tended under the Austro-Hungarian Empire, to believe everyone within their regions should identify with a Magyar identity enforced this upon any Rusyn they could. This was to have dire consequences upon the only class who had constant contact with them and that was the clergy.
High numbers of clergy were forced to be "pro-Magyar" under this form of government and therefore, impart this heritage (i.e. customs, language) upon those in their churches. The religious conflict of these days was also strong. The Latin (i.e. Catholic) church was of the opinion that no Catholics, Eastern or Western Rite, should be lost to the church and therefore, forced opinions in support of this idea. The Orthodox church enforced their view and reminded her flocks that the Rusyns were Orthodox until the union with Rome and they should return to the Eastern Orthodox church as that is where their religious beginnings originated.
Combined with the Orthodox title was the identity factor of seeing oneself as a "cousin" to those of Russian (i.e. Moscow) heritage. There were many Pan-Slavists who insisted upon a Russian identity and they fought for this view. One of those who was hailed as the "awakener of the Rusyn people," Aleksander Dukhnovych, taught pro-Russian heritage views in some of his writings. Other heritages had different views and taught these also. Rusyns also lived with those of the Slovak heritage were seen as "Slovak Greek Catholics" and those of Ukranian heritage felt that Rusyns were of Ukrainian heritage but were confused as to their proper title. In light the above, it is very simple to see why a Rusyn, in one, or more of the situations mentioned above, would have assimilated into a particular pattern of life just for the sake of some type of uniformity. The fusion of the Rusyns as a separate heritage was hard enough and, even in doubt by those of Rusyn heritage themselves. On the one side, you had the Austro-Hungarian Empire with an official state religion of Roman Catholicism which was the "west," on the other you had the Russian Imperial Empire with an official state religion of Eastern Orthodoxy which was the "east." In the eye of this unfortunate situation stood the Ruthenians who gained at times a confused sense of identity themselves and not knowing if they should go to the left, to the right, or stay right in the middle as a neutral party.
This whirlwind of titles, ideas and views is curious in that both the Austro-Hungarian Empire and the Russian Imperial Empire went to great lengths to "convert" those of Rusyn heritage to their particular views. Very few heritages in the world have been fought over as much as the Rusyns in Eastern Europe were. Not only was this a quest for a heritage title, but also for a religious one. Both governments of these empires expended vast amounts of finances to promote their particular views upon Rusyns and in so doing, would strengthen their government's views in their respective empires. After the period of 1848 some Rusyns did pursue the idea of a unified state under the administration of the Austrian monarchy. Here again, the title issue surfaced and territory boundaries presented themselves as indicators. In the regions of Galicia the Rusyns followed different paths into splinter groups, one which was pro-Ukrainian in thought, the other being pro-Russian. The pro-Ukrainian group enjoyed a vast popularity with the Rusyns in these regions. There were also some Galician Rusyns who accepted a pro-Polish position on the issue of language and nationality titles. Depending upon the position held, this would many times mirror what identity was chosen. If you were a peasant, the pro-Russian or pro-Ukrainian views could dominate. If you were in some form of artisan or minor bureaucratic position, identity with the position that would secure your basic economic status would sometimes apply.
In approximately 1832 historical evidence shows that three educated Rusyns met and tried to answer the perplexing questions of Rusyn nationality and language. These men formed a group to discuss and research these ideas while finding proper titles. These men were Iskiv Holovats’kyi, Ivan Vahylevuch and Markiian Shashkevych. Unfortunately, these men never truly found any solid answers anymore then a Rusyn peasant in the most remote village could. After some time of trying to research and find answers that all would agree upon, it was apparent more friction than cohesion was brought forth. Markiian Shashkevuch died in 1843 before his research could be finished. Ivan Vahylevuch died in 1866 but came to the conclusion that in reference to Galician Rusyns, assimilation would offer the best course for survival in these territories. Iskiv Holovats’kyi discarded all theories offered by the group, became pro-Russian in position and finally moved to the Russian Empire. It is curious to see that not only did these questions of proper definition of title bring the Rusyn peasant to confusion, but they also brought those who were intellectuals to this same arena also. These title questions, which have always been asked, will continue to be asked by historical scholars and researchers. Hopefully, a solid answer may be found in the future to finally solve the title questions for all the Ruthenian people. In the meantime, the Ruthenian people continue to exist as they always have done for centuries which is more important than possibly ever finding the "perfect" title in relationship to their proper heritage and religious identities.
PRAGUE, CZECH REPUBLIC
Copyright (c) 1999. RFE/RL, Inc. Reprinted with the permission of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, 1201 Connecticut Ave., N.W. Washington DC 20036. http://www.rferl.org
RFE/RL Poland, Belarus, and Ukraine Report Vol. 2, No. 2, 11 January 2000
A Survey of Developments in Poland, Belarus, and Ukraine by the Regional Specialists of RFE/RL's Newsline Team
UKRAINE
HAS 'POLITICAL RUSYNISM' ENDED? After seven years of failing to gain recognition, the self-proclaimed government of Carpathian Ruthenia has suspended its work, ITAR-TASS reported on 3 January. "Ruthenians have appreciated the strategy and efforts of President Leonid Kuchma and his firm course toward democratic changes and the observance of human rights, the rights of ethnic minorities and their free cultural development," the agency quoted Ivan Turyanytsa, the "prime minister" of Carpathian Ruthenia, as saying in a statement circulated by "local media" on 3 January. In that statement, Turyanytsa also expressed the hope that Ukraine will finally recognize the Ruthenians as a nation, ITAR-TASS added.
For most readers in either the West or the East, this is certainly a mystifying piece of news. Who are the Ruthenians and where is their Ruthenia? Two interesting books, to which this article is heavily indebted, provide a fascinating introduction to the problem of the people denoted in English by some writers as Ruthenians: "A New Slavic Language Is Born" (1996, Columbia University Press, New York; edited by Paul Robert Magocsi) and "Focus on the Rusyns" (1999, The Danish Cultural Institute, Copenhagen). There is also an interesting Web site at http://www.tccweb.org/rusynback.htm, with a great deal of information on Carpatho-Rusyns--another name for Ruthenians.
Rusyns live in the Carpathian Mountains and are scattered across several international frontiers. In Ukraine, they inhabit Transcarpathian (Zakarpatska) Oblast, which borders on Romania, Hungary, Slovakia, and Poland. In Slovakia, they can be found mainly in the Presov region, and in Poland, they live in two separate regions in the southern part of the country. There is also a community of Ruthenians in Yugoslavia's Vojvodina (to where they emigrated in the 18th century), and groups in Romania and Hungary, while there is a large Rusyn diaspora in the U.S. and Canada, although its exact numerical strength is not known. According to some estimates, there may be as many as 1 million Ruthenians worldwide, including some 600,000 in Ukraine's Transcarpathia.
Linguists disagree as to whether the (Carpatho-) Rusyn language is a separate Slavic language or a dialect of Ukrainian. Professor Magocsi from the University of Toronto argues that it is a separate language, at least that version spoken by Rusyns in Slovakia, which was codified in Bratislava on 27 January 1995. Another version of the Rusyn language was standardized in Vojvodina in 1923 and has been used in schools among Yugoslavia's Rusyns (Rusnaci) since that time. A seminar on the Rusyn language held in Slovakia in 1992 --now known as the First Congress on the Rusyn Language --concluded that Rusyns should develop four linguistic standards based on the dialects in the countries where they live: Ukraine, Slovakia, Poland, and Yugoslavia. Poland's Rusyns (known as Lemkos) have already published several grammar books as well as a dictionary of their language.
In Ukraine, Rusyns are not recognized as a distinct national group. Consequently, their language is officially deemed a Ukrainian dialect. However, apart from a proUkrainian orientation among Ukraine's Rusyns, there is also a trend for developing the Rusyn language as separate from Ukrainian and promoting the idea of Rusyns as a separate nation. This trend is primarily championed by the Society of Carpatho-Rusyns in Uzhorod, which is headed by Ivan Turyanytsa. In December 1991, when Ukrainians overwhelmingly voted for an independent Ukraine, Transcarpathian Oblast residents simultaneously held a vote on their autonomous status in Ukraine. Some 78 percent of Transcarpathians supported the idea of regional autonomy, but Kyiv ignored that vote. Some Ukrainians argue that the question about the region's autonomy was included in one phrase with the question about Ukraine's independence and thus people in Transcapathia supported the independence of the state rather than their self-rule. Some Rusyns, of course, think otherwise.
Some Ukrainians branded the movement for promoting Rusyn nationhood as "political Rusynism," which they argue has no substantial linguistic, ethnographic, or historical foundations. However, as the example of Rusyns in Slovakia and Lemkos in Poland testifies (not to mention Yugoslavia's Rusnaci), under some circumstances the Rusyn linguistic and ethnic heritage can be cultivated.
Ukraine's disinclination to recognize its Rusyns as a distinct nationality can be understood to some extent. This recognition seems to be inextricably linked to the issue of Rusyn self-government in Transcarpathia. Faced with ethnic problems in other regions (not to mention Ukraine's 10 million Russians and Crimea with its Russian and Tatar problems), Kyiv is reluctant to open what seems to be a Pandora's box of ethnic demands for more rights and concessions.
However, the current practice of dismissing the Rusyn problem by passing over it in silence (there appears to be no mention of Rusyns in Ukrainian media) is no solution either. History provides ample evidence that non-recognition, disregard, or suppression of ethnic groups tends only to consolidate their struggle for more rights.
It is too early to say that Rusyns have already embarked on an irreversible path toward acquiring nationhood. (In the 20th century, only Belarusians, Macedonians, and, possibly, Bosnian Muslims among the Slavic groups have managed to organize themselves into nations.) Even more unclear are Rusyns' prospects for gaining some kind of regional autonomy in the countries in which they live, let alone statehood. However, the cultural and linguistic renaissance of Rusyns seems set to survive into the next millennium. Rusyn activists report that their ranks have recently been reinforced by considerable numbers of well-educated young Rusyn females (notably in Poland and Slovakia). This not only provides greater demographic balance within the movement but also gives the movement a boost and imparts attractiveness for the broader masses that it might otherwise have lacked.
The author of "RFE/RL's Poland, Belarus, and Ukraine Report" has come across only one mention of Ivan Turyanytsa's "Carpatho-Ruthenian government" in world literature--in Timothy Garton Ash's "Hail Ruthenia!" published in the 22 April 1999 issue of "The New York Review of Books." Garton Ash's presentation of the Rusyn question is rather a jocular one, and this author agrees with his conclusion that Turyanytsa and his ministers have had no power or opportunities to govern anything anywhere in a political sense. There are strong grounds to suppose that the government's recent self-dissolution, as announced by ITARTASS, has not been mourned by any significant part of the Rusyn population (in fact it is more likely that it went unnoticed by most Rusyns). However, as far as the future of Rusyns as a distinct Slavic nationality is concerned, this author is far more optimistic than Garton Ash.
"RFE/RL Poland, Belarus, and Ukraine Report" is prepared by Jan Maksymiuk on the basis of a variety of sources including reporting by "RFE/RL Newsline" and RFE/RL's broadcast services. It is distributed every Tuesday.
Individuals who are compiling family histories may find an ancestor's place of origin classified as Hungary. There were many that resided within the boarders of Hungary but not all were Hungarian. What of those who were not Magyar and came from the Hungarian provinces? What types of government rules and regulations were required of them? What types of heritage positions were enforced upon these regions? Rusyns resided in territories that were part of the Hungarian Kingdom for centuries. Not only Rusyns, but also those of German, Jewish, Polish, Slovak, Ukrainian and others were involved in this question. Since government administrative matters where handled by Magyars (or those who reinforced a pro-Magyar view) contact with Magyar ideologies was constant. No inhabitant of the former Hungarian Kingdom was exempt from government enforced views.
Hungary at the time of the empire was a multinational state and heritages of many types abounded there. To understand how Hungary came to be included with Austria a bit of reference is needed. Austria wished to find some form of accord with Hungary. For a period of time Austria had been regressing from her relations with the Russian Imperial government. A compromise could be beneficial, and was necessary. An agreement was finally reached in 1867, which came to be called the Austro-Hungarian Compromise (Ausgleich). In return for this agreement, the Magyars were awarded a major position within their lands. Since both of these countries were officially Roman Catholic, it was to Austria’s benefit to enjoy an agreement with Roman Catholic Hungary. A Russophile position was being proposed upon many inhabitants of these lands and became especially pronounced in the 1890's. To counter this pro-Russian (and also pro-Ukrainian) stand and defuse it, a policy of Magyarization would be enforced. This would make Hungary a territory of continuity, not of diversity.
Living within Hungarian boarders could be difficult for the intellectual or common laborer. If you lived within the Russian Empire claiming Russian identity was simple if you were a Slav. A subject of the Austro-Hungarian Empire had more difficulties. Those who resided within these boarders had an official policy. The major emphasis was on those of Austrian, German or Hungarian nationalities. For those of eastern Slavic heritage such as the Rusyns, how could they identify with Hungarian culture? The language and culture were vastly different (Eastern vs. Western), and most important, they spoke a different language (Eastern vs. Western and Latin
